听众是谁,这是说理首先需要确定的,因为这会影响到实际的说理策略、方式,并使得说理具有说服或宣传的不同性质。例如,20世纪60年代曾经有过一场大张旗鼓的中苏两党论战,其实双方都不是为了说服对方(那是不可能的),而是为了争取第三者的同情和支持。然而,并没有多少国际的第三者对这种恶狠狠的论战感兴趣,因此,论战实际上是用来作为一种对内宣传的手段,是针对那些根本无须说服的国内老百姓的。
媒体对社会事件作真实、及时的报道,对公众了解他们直接经验以外的世界具有极重要的意义。只有当个体能够把各自经历的事情你一桩我一桩地通过媒体告诉别人时,不同个体的现实经验才有可能共同累积到一个足以使人们注意和重视某个社会问题的程度,也才能使他们共同认识到这个问题的严重性。在这个意义上说,每个个体的经验都具有公共意义,每个个体的看法也都可能发挥公共舆论作用。
You might well think that the management of such a vast number of prisoners would have required an equally vast army of guards and supervisors. In fact, whole weeks would pass by without anyone in an SS uniform so much as appearing inside the barrack-huts. It was the prisoners themselves who policed the camp-cities. It was the prisoners themselves who supervised the internal routine, who made sure that the rotten, half-frozen potatoes ended up in their own saucepans while the good-quality ones were set aside for army supply-bases.
The prisoners themselves were the doctors and bacteriologists in the camp hospitals and laboratories, the caretakers who swept the camp pavements. They were even the engineers responsible for providing the camp with light and heat, for maintaining the motorized transport.
The people with green stripes on their jackets, the thieves and burglars, were a privileged caste: the authorities relied on them to supervise the politicals. Giving common criminals power over political prisoners was yet another innovation of National Socialism.
Before effectively condemning himself to death by refusing to work on the construction of a gas chamber, Ikonnikov turns to an Italian priest and asks a profound question in a haunting jumble of Italian, French and German: ‘Que dois-je faire, mio padre, nous travaillons dans una Vernichtungslager.‘
草,我学意大利语法语和德语就是为了看懂这种东西的
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